The great missionary journeys of St. Paul and the wonderful work of Peter and the rest of the apostles make us think of the extraordinary spread of Christianity and its establishment in most of the Roman provinces in apostolic times (cf. Rom 1,8; Col 1,6,23), while in the rest of the known world its spread was slow and more difficult.
In the most important cities of the Roman Empire we find Christian communities of considerable size. For a very long time Christianity continued to be substantially a religion for the cities, and only slowly and with much difficulty did Christianity establish itself in the countryside. The first groups came from the Jews of the diaspora and from the pagans, the “devout men who feared God” (Cf. Acts 10,2) (viri religiosi et timentes Deum).
The new religion took root in the middle and low classes of society: artisans, traders, soldiers, slaves and among women. We find, however, from the very beginning, rich Christians, learned and high people among the faithful, as we can see from the Acts of the Apostles (Sergius Paulus: Areopagus) and from the Pauline Letters. From the end of the 2nd century the number of learned and important Christians grew and even people belonging to the Roman nobility, to the Roman Army and officials of the Empire became Christians. Tertullian (ca. 155-228) says: “we are but of yesterday and we fill your towns, your islands, even your camps and your palaces, the Senate and the forum; we have left you only your temples.” By the year 250 Christianity was so widely extended that the universal and ferocious persecutions which began at this time could not hinder its final victory.
By the beginning of the fourth century, out of a possible population of 50 or 60 million in the Roman Empire, the number of Christians may have been seven or eight million (ca.); most of them in the East. The Christians were particularly strong in Asia Minor, Greece, Syria, Armenia, Egypt and in some regions in Central and Northern Italy, in North-West Africa, in Spain and in Gaul. Clement of Alexandria and Origen, and still more the Church Fathers of the 4th and 5th centuries saw in this wonderful and rapid expansion of Christianity, among the many obstacles and difficulties, a clear proof of its supernatural origin. In fact, for them this was the literal fulfillment of Christ’s prophecy: the grain of mustard seed had become a tree, which had began to cover the earth.
Major External Causes for the Rapid Diffusion of Christianity
We are not well informed in general about this mysterious expansion, about the external diffusion of this new reality that was Christianity. All we know is that its spread surprisingly fast, even in the face of the mightiest opposition.
When we proceed to enumerate the “causes” of this rapid diffusion of Christianity we must never lose sight of a mysterious reality behind everything. We cannot answer this question on the causes of this rapid diffusion of Christianity just by citing three or four sentences continuously repeated. It is possible to bring in some concrete historical facts, but the total process in which numberless causes operate and actuate at the same time. But, in fact, this growth proves the truth of one of the most important theological principles, “gratia praesupponit naturam.” That is, the decisive thing is the divine grace; yet grace does not work by chance or magic, but orderly, in accordance with the natural realities.
With this brief introduction let us now examine the “external realities” that favored the rapid diffusion of Christianity or those that actually promoted its advance. Some of the most important have been mentioned already in the chapter dealing with the State of the World at the time of Jesus. In this chapter on the diffusion of Christianity we will follow the noted and famous Protestant historian Adolf Harnack.[1] Harnack mentions a number of causes, external to Christianity, that greatly helped in the spreading of the Christian religion. These were the following:
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The Hellenization of the East
The “Hellenizing of the East,” (in part also) of the West, which had gone on steadily since Alexander the Great; or, the comparative unity of language and ideas which this Hellenizing process had produced. Not until the close of the second century AD does this Hellenizing process appear to have exhausted itself, while in the fourth century, when the seat of the empire was shifted to the East the movement acquired a still further impetus in several important directions. As Christianity allied itself very quickly though incompletely to the speech and spirit of Hellenism, it was in a position to avail itself of a great deal in the success of the latter. In return it furthered the advance of Hellenism and put a check to its retreat.
The World-Empire of Rome
The world-empire of Rome and the political unity which it secured for nations bordering on the Mediterranean; the comparative unity secured by this world-state for the methods and conditions of outward existence, and also the comparative stability of social life. Throughout many provinces of the East, people felt the emperor really stood for peace, after all the dreadful storms and wars; they hailed his law as a shelter and a safeguard. Furthermore, the earthly monarchy of the world was a fact which at once favored the conception of the heavenly monarchy and conditioned the origin of a Catholic or Universal Church.
Rapid Communication
The exceptional facilities, growth, and security of international traffic: the admirable roads, the blending of the different nationalities; the interchange of wares and of ideas; the personal intercourse; the ubiquitous merchant and soldier – one may add the ubiquitous professor, who was to be encountered from Antioch to Cadis, from Alexandria to Bordeaux. The Church thus found the way paved for expansion; the means were prepared and the population of the large towns was a heterogeneous and devoid of a past as could be desired.
The Acceptance of the Essential Unity of Mankind
The practical and theoretical conviction of the essential unity of mankind, and of human rights and duties, which was produced or at any rate intensified, by the fact of the “Orbis Romanus” on the one side and the development of philosophy upon the other, and confirmed by the truly enlightened system of Roman jurisprudence, particularly between Nerva and Alexander Severus. On all essential questions the Church had no reason to oppose, but rather to assent to, Roman law, that grandest and most durable product of the empire.
The Birth of Democratic Ideas
The decomposition of ancient society into a democracy; the gradual equalizing of the “Cives Romani” and the provincials, of the Greeks and the barbarians; the comparative equalizing of classes in society; the elevation of the slave class, in short, a soil prepared for the growth of the new formations by the decomposition of the old.
Religious Policy of Rome
The religious policy of Rome, which furthered the interchange of religions by its toleration, hardly presented any obstacles to their natural increase or transformation or decay, although it would not stand any practical expression of contempt for the ceremonial of the State-religion. The liberty guaranteed by Rome’s religious policy on all other points was an ample compensation for the rough check imposed on the spread of Christianity by her vindication of the State-religion.
The Existence of Associations and Organizations
The existence of associations, as well as of municipal and provincial organizations: in several respects the former had prepared the soil for the reception of Christianity, while in some cases they probably served as a shelter for it. The latter actually suggested the most important forms of organization in the Church and thus saved her the onerous task of first devising such forms and then requiring to commend them.
The Irruption of Syrian and Persian Religions
The irruption of the Syrian and Persian religions into the empire dated especially from the reign of Antoninus Pius. They had certain traits in common with Christianity, and although the spread of the Church was at first handicapped by them, any such loss was amply made up for by the new religious cravings which they stirred within the minds of men – cravings which could not finally be satisfied apart from Christianity.
All these outward conditions … brought about a great revolution in the whole human existence under the empire, a revolution which must have been highly conducive to the spread of the Christian religion. The narrow world had become a wide world; the rent world had become a unity; the barbarian world had become Greek or Roman; one empire, one universal language, one civilization, a common development towards monotheism, and a common yearning for saviors.
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The Major Internal Causes for the Rapid Diffusion of Christianity
We have to look for some internal causes to be found in Christianity itself. Is it possible for us, so far away from the events and facts, to pinpoint the internal causes of this unparalleled diffusion? Is there anything inherent to Christianity itself favoring the unstoppable expansion of early Christianity?
Indeed, there are many causes inherent to Christianity. A good historian must not conform himself with external causes, forgetting the basic historical reasons explaining any historical event. In the case of Christianity’s marvelous expansion in the Roman empire, the cause has to be found in Christianity itself.
Among the forces of attraction inherent to Christianity we find above all:
The Force of the Truth
The force of the truth which proved all the more effective since the Gospel so far surpassed in contents and understanding all the wisdom of the world and gave an answer to the problems that perennially torment the human spirit, such as, a) the problem of God, b) the immortality of the soul [If man dies shall he live again?] c) the meaning of human life [Where do we come from? Where are we going to?] d) the problem of retribution. Christianity won over to its cause men who like Justin (ca. 100-168), Tatian (ca. 120-183) and Dionysius had made all the necessary efforts to discover the truth in the different systems of pagan wisdom, but all was in vain. As St. Justin rightly says, (Dial, 8) they discovered in Christianity the only true philosophy on which to hope, the only one to be put into practice.
Christ’s doctrine was, for the pagans, something absolutely new and unheard of. Christianity gave and offered them “the Gospel of the Savior and of Salvation, the Gospel of love and fraternal help, the religion of the spirit of fortitude, of moral behavior and holiness, the religion of authority and reason, of mysteries and transcendent revelations, the message of the new people and of the third kind of men, the religion of the book and of the historical realization” (A. Harnack; cfr. Bihlmeyer, o.c. p. 95). The followers of Christ were convinced that their religion was totally new and something extraordinary had happened with the advent of Christianity, so that the old criteria of values were destroyed. Ignatius of Antioch (ca. 35-107) declares (Rom. 3, 3): “Christianity is not the work of human persuasion but of divine greatness, for that it is hated the world over.”
The Gift of Charisms
We must not forget the gift of charisms in the primitive Church (1 Cor. 12-14), first of all that of curing the sick and the expulsion of demons, the gift of tongues and many more extraordinary miracles which gave testimony to the truth (Justin, Apol. II, 6; Dial. 127; Adv. Haer. II, 32, 4); Tert., Apol. 23; De Anima 47; Origen, Contra Celsum I, 6, 46; IIIm 28; Cyprian, Ad Donatum 5; Eus. H.E., V, 3, 4).
The Life and Fervor of the First Christians
A great importance in the rapid expansion of Christianity has the life and fervor of the faith of the first Christians. Men and women, noble and plebeian, free and slave, learned and ignorant, rich and poor, officials, magistrates, traders, and soldiers: all of them felt the need of expanding and spreading Christianity like apostles. According to the primitive Christian conception every Christian must be a missionary of his faith in virtue of the grace and duty conferred upon him in baptism.
Not only Christian writers, but also pagans [Pliny the Younger (62-120), Celsus, (II cent.), Galenus (ca. 129-200), the Emperor Julian the Apostate, (361-63)] testify that:
a. The life of the Christians as such was a most eloquent sermon in that pagan atmosphere and that the example of their virtues procured for the Church many new converts.
b. The severe customs, their chastity, their fraternal love and admirable charitable activities were bright lights in that dark and obscure background which was the pagan world, the pagan society, filled with vices, with mutual aversion and hate.
The Christian apologists of the 2nd century, such as Aristides (c. 15,16) and the author of the Letter to Diognetus, speak of the wonderful life of the Christians. But not only these apologists, but also men like Tertullian (ca. 155-228) (Apol. 39), Minucius Felix (Octavius, p.31). According to Origen, (185-254) in his Contra Celsum (III, 29) the Christians, in comparison to the pagan masses, were “authentic celestial stars on earth.”[2] St. Justin (100-168), rightly believes that the wonderful examples given by the Christians were the motives why many people embraced Christianity (cfr. Apol. I, 16). Tertullian, (Apol. 39) reminds us of the common pagan exclamation despising the Christians: “Look how they love one another and are ready to die for one another.” The Emperor Julian, the Apostate (361-363) (Epistula, 49), said that the rapid diffusion of Christianity was due to its charitable work, to the care given to the dead and to the holy life (in his eyes hypocrisy) of the followers of Christ.
Martyr’s Heroism
One of the main and decisive arguments for conversion was, however, the strength and fortitude of the Christians during persecution and above all, the martyr’s heroism. These people were ready to suffer anything, even death for Christ. The great Apologist St. Justin (100-168) (Apol. II, 12), testifies that this fortitude of the Christians had broken in him the conviction of their guilt and, in the end, had moved him to become a Christian.
Y es asi yo mismo, cuando seguia la doctrina de platon, oia las calumnias contra los cristianos; pero, ai ver como iban intrépidamente a la muerte y a todo lo quer se tiene por espantoso, me puse a reflexionar ser imposible qué tales hombres vivieran en la maldad y en el amor de los placeres. Porque qué hombre, amador del placer, que intemperante y que tenga cosa buena devorar carnes humanas, pudiera abrazar alegremente la muerte, que ha de privarle de sus bienes, y no trataria más bien por todos los medios de prolongar indefinidamente su vida presente y ocultarse a los gobernantes, cuante menos soñar en deleitarse a si mismo para ser muerto?
The great Tertullian, writing to the pagan proconsuli exclaimed: “Afflict us, torment us, crucify us, - in proportion as we are mowed down, we increase; the blood of Christians is a seed” (Apol. 50), “Cruciate, torquete, damnate, atterite nos;…plures efficimur, quotiens metimur a vobis; semen est sanguis Christianorum.” And not only St. Justin and Tertullian, but also most of the Fathers and Christian writers of the 2nd and 3rd centuries (Acta Apolloni 24; Adv. Haer. IV, 33, 9; Ep. Ad Diog. 7; Origen, Contra Celsum, VII, 26). Lactantius (245-338) the great African Christian writes: “Augetur religio Dei, quanto magis premitur.” (Inst. V, 19, 9) “The religion of God grows the more it is persecuted.”
[1] The Mission and Expansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries, Chicago, 1961.
[2] Cf. St. Paul, Philippians 2, 15: “Do all things without grumbling that you may be blameless and innocent, children of God without blemish in the midst of a crooked and perverse generation, among whom you shine as lights in the world.”